Great Fire 1666


Great Fire (10)

September 2nd, 2016, is the 350th anniversary of the start of the Great Fire of London, 1666.
There is a slight possibility that without Samuel Pepys’ and John Evelyn’s diaries (first published in the 1810s-20s), that the Great Fire would have died out in the popular imagination long ago: the extraordinary vivacity with which they wrote about the destruction of their beloved city made the Pepys and Evelyn diaries classics of their genre, so that they have gone through innumerable reprints during the past 200 years, with countless quotations. The fire is typically the section to which one gravitates when picking up copies of their diaries for a little light reading.
In Canada, I first encountered Pepys’ diary in Grade 12 English Literature as part of the curriculum, reading his entry on the Great Fire. School children in England hear about Pepys and the Great Fire at an even younger age.
Pepys and Evelyn (1)  Pepys and Evelyn (2)

Some other diarists also recorded their experiences of the fire. The Oxford antiquary Anthony Wood,
2 Sept., 1666, a lamentable fire broke out in London in the morning, being Sunday. The wind being eastward blew clouds of smoke over Oxon the next day, and chiefly Tuesday, and the sunshine was much darkned. The same night also the moone was darkned by clouds of smoak and looked reddish. The fire or flame made a noise like the waves of the sea. . . . . . Soe suddenly did it come and therby caused such distraction and severall forgat their names when they with their money or goods under their armes were examined by the watch that then immediately was appointed. Others that had occasion to write letters a day or 2 after it ended, forgat the day of the mounth and the mounth of the year. Others quite distracted for the generall loss they have received. Thousands utterly undone that had houses there. Those that had a house to-day were the next glad of the shelter of an hedge or a pigstie or stable. Those that were this day riding wantonly in coaches, were, the next, glad to ride in dung-cards to save their lives. . . . . This fire did soe much affrighten the nation that all townes stood upon their owne defence day and night, and particularly Oxon, every one being soe suspicious that noe sorry fellow or woman could pass but they examined him, noe gun or squib could goe off but they thought it the fatall blow.” [The Life and Times of Anthony Wood, 2.85-6].

1696 Reliquiae Baxterianae (22)Another is Richard Baxter in the Reliquiae Baxterianae (1696),
“. . . The people having none to conduct them aright, could do nothing to resist it, but stand and see their Houses burn without Remedy; the Engines being presently out of Order, and useless.  The streets were crowded with People and Carts, to carry away what Goods they could get out: And they that were most active, and befriended (by their Wealth) got Carts, and saved much; and the rest lost almost all. The Loss in Houses and Goods is scarcely to be valued: And among the rest, the Loss of Books was an exceeding great Detriment to the Interest of Piety and Learning: Almost all the Booksellers in St. Paul’s Church-Yard brought their Books into Vaults under St. Paul’s Church, where it was thought almost impossible that Fire should come. But the Church it self being on fire, the exceeding weight of the Stones falling down, did break into the Vault, and let in the Fire, and they could not come near to save the books. The Library also of Sion-Colledge was burnt, and most of the Libraries of Ministers, Conformable and Nonconformable, in the City; with the Libraries of many Nonconformists of the Countrey, which had been lately brought up to the City. I saw the half burnt Leaves of Books near my Dwelling at Acton six miles from London; but others found them near Windsor, almost twenty miles distant. . . .
. . . .  Thus was the best, and one of the fairest Cities in the world turn’d into Ashes and Ruines in Three Days space, with many score Churches, and the Wealth and Necessaries of the Inhabitants. The Number of Houses are recorded by others.
It was a sight that might have given any Man a lively sense of the Vanity of this World, and all the Wealth and Glory of it, and of the future conflagration of all the World. To see the Flames mount up towards Heaven, and proceed so furiously without restraint: To see the streets filled with people astonished, that had scarce sense left them to lament their own calamity. To see the fields filled with heaps of Goods, and sumptuous Buildings, curious Rooms, costly Furniture and Household-Stuff: Yea, Warehouses and furnished Shops and Libraries, &c. all on a flame, and none durst come near to receive any thing. To see the King and Nobles ride about the streets beholding all these Desolations, and none could afford the least Relief. To see the Air, as far as could be beheld, so filled with the smoak, that the Sun shined through it, with a colour like Blood; yea even when it was setting in the West, it so appeared to them that dwelt on the West side of the City. But the dolefullest sight of all was afterwards, to see what a ruinous confused place the City was, by Chimneys and Steeples only standing in the midst of Cellars and heaps of Rubbish; so that it was hard to know where the streets had been, and dangerous, of a long time to pass through the Ruines, because of the Vaults, and fire in them. No man that seeth not such a thing, can have a right apprehension of the dreadfulness of it.” [Reliq. Baxt. 3.16-17].

The classic book on the subject of the Great Fire is Walter George Bell’s, The Great Fire of London (1920; reprinted numerous times). Unfortunately I don’t yet have a copy at the time of writing this, but copies are readily available online. One can find references to this work in modern works on the topic.

Great Fire (2)T. F. Reddaway in 1940 published a timely book, The Rebuilding of London After the Great Fire. In 1943 he wrote, “Since this book appeared, London has been repeatedly bombed. Much damage has been done and in considerable though scattered areas every building is now demolished. Rebuilding, forbidden in most cases until the war ends, has been for that reason the more widely discussed. Inevitably, references to the rebuilding after the Great Fire have been freely made. Lessons have been sought and comparisons drawn.”

A certain emotional attachment comes with Reddaway, naturally, considering the firestorm that occurred during the Blitz on 29/30th December 1940, shortly after his book was first published. Aside from the famous link between the Great Fire 1666 and the Blitz fire; i.e., that the mediaeval St Paul’s was destroyed in the Great Fire and Wren’s replacement was a spectacular icon of indomitability in 1940 that still unites and strengthens hearts to this day (St Paul’s stood while all London burned); there are further contrasts and connections that can be made.

Unfortunately it was the case that hysteria and mob rule occurred among London’s populace in 1666: rumours abounded that fireballs and incendiaries were purposely thrown in houses about the city by the French and Dutch who were innocent. During the Blitz thousands of incendiaries were indeed dropped by Germans to purposely set the city on fire; i.e., the 17thC Londoner’s fears came true 274 years later, though no one then could have imagined the method.

Reddaway’s book is the text for knowing the rest of the story of 1666 (of which he says, “Every schoolchild in England learns the date”), once the flames were out and the devastation realized, how the long process of rebuilding was decided and progressed under Robert Hooke and Sir Christopher Wren and others; landowners, renters, lawyers, etc.

For the 300th anniversary of the Fire, John E. N. Hearsey wrote his London and the Great Fire (1965), which I’ve just bought and will read asap. It appears to include some useful material.
1965 Hearsey Great Fire (1)  1965 Hearsey Great Fire (2)

There are several more recent books on the topic of the Great Fire. Most of them are for children. For more mature readers, see Stephen Porter’s The Great Fire of London (1996). Porter in June 2016 gave a Gresham College lecture on the topic which is viewable online both at the Gresham website (with transcription and audio) and on YouTube.

Great Fire (1)Neil Hanson and Adrian Tinniswood have written great books on the subject:

The Dreadful Judgement (2001) by Hanson.

By Permission of Heaven (2003) by Tinniswood.

Coincidentally they were at some point given the same subtitle by publishers along the way, The True Story of the Great Fire of London.

They both have their merits. Both are splendid works of research and highly readable accounts. Both provide small maps of the daily gradual progression of the fire, as well as maps of the full extent.
Great Fire of London maps (2) Great Fire of London maps (1)

Hanson is rather intriguing on the topic of Bishop de Braybroke’s corpse which was put on display. He contends that the body, which was as stiff as a plank and had a red beard and hair; nails, etc.; hailed as a miracle of preservation, “was almost certainly not that of de Braybroke but one of those fleeing from the Great Fire who sought sanctuary in St Paul’s. Finding himself cut off as the flames roared through the cathedral, the man would have taken refuge in the broken tomb. There he would have suffocated as the firestorm drew every breath of oxygen from the air, and then mummified, baked by the heat until the flesh of his body was as dry as bone. A similar body was found after the firestorm that engulfed Dresden during the Second World War, ‘a completely shrivelled corpse of a man, naked, his skin like brawn leather, but with a beard and hair on his head.'”  Tinniswood by contrast goes along with the old story that it was de Braybroke (read more about it in Pepys).

If you can’t choose which to read, whether Hanson or Tinniswood, read both books. In my opinion the two complement each other nicely.

Regarding antiquarian items related to the Great Fire of 1666, aside from collecting early copies of Samuel Pepys and John Evelyn (not just the diary, but Fumifugium and London Redivivum), the enthusiast might like to collect pamphlets of that time period. There were several pamphlets prophesying the fire; more pamphlets about the fire, such as Thomas Vincent’s Gods Terrible Judgments in the City, and the anonymous Observations Both Historical and Moral Upon the Burning of London September 1666 by Rege Sincera (shown below is my copy of the Observations printed in the Harleian Miscellany, 1793).
Great Fire (11)  Great Fire (12)
A copy of the original pamphlet printed in 1667 was sold at Bonhams.

Also printed at the time were poems, e.g., Dryden’s “Annus Mirabilis” printed 1667 (second edition 1688) which is a splendid piece. The fire begins around stanza 211.

“Such was the Rise of this prodigious fire,
Which in mean Buildings first obscurely bred,
From thence did soon to open Streets aspire,
And straight to Palaces and Temples spread.”

There were also common ballads about the fire, one of which can be heard on the CD Penny Merriments: Street Songs of 17th Century England on the Naxos label, track # 17, “London Mourning in Ashes” (here is another recording of it on Youtube).
Great Fire ballad

Antiquarian engravings of the Great Fire and Monument are also available dating from the 18th-19th centuries. Plenty can be found on various sites such as ABE and eBay. Cassell’s Illustrated History of England comes to mind. Photographs of the Monument are another collectable.

Regarding printed books, collections of books printed in London just prior to and just after the Great Fire dating 1665-6-7 are also worth collecting. One such book is Hooker’s Ecclesiastical Polity, the first thus prefixed with Izaak Walton’s life of Hooker.  Samuel Pepys bought a copy of this, which he records in his diary on April 15, 1667, “Thence I to my new bookseller’s, and there bought Hooker’s Polity, the new edition.”
1666 Hooker Ecclesiastical Polity (4)

One can also collect printed sermons preached and published shortly after the fire occurred. The most common perhaps are Seth Ward and Edward Stillingfleet preaching on the Fast Day, October 10th, 1666, to the houses of Parliament.
1666 Ward Great Fire Sermon to Peers (1)  1666 Ward Great Fire Sermon to Peers (2)
1666 Stillingfleet Great Fire Sermon to Commons (1)  1666 Stillingfleet Great Fire Sermon to Commons (2)
Stillingfleet is the more interesting historically; he is more expressive, seemingly venting his emotions somewhat,
“Who among all the Citizens of London could have been perswaded, but the day before the fire brake out, nay when they saw the flames for near a day together, that ever in four days time, not a fourth part of the City should be left standing? For when were they ever more secure & inapprehensive of their danger than at this time? they had not been long returned to their Houses, which the Plague had driven them from, and now they hoped to make some amends for the loss of their Trade before; but they returned home with the same sins they carried away with them; like new Moons, they had a new face and appearance, but the same spots remained still: or it may be, increased by that scumm they had gathered in the Countries where they had been. . . . But that which betrayed them to so much security, was their late deliverance from so sweeping a Judgement as the Plague had been to the City and Suburbs of it: they could by no means think, when they had all so lately escaped the Grave, that the City it self should be so near being buried in its own ruines; that the fire which had missed their blood should seize upon their houses; that there should be no other way to purge the infected air, but by the flames of the whole City.” (pp.8-9).

Stillingfleet’s sermon was almost attended by Samuel Pepys, “Thence with [Batten] to Westminster, to the parish church, where the Parliament-men, and Stillingfleete in the pulpit. So full, no standing there; so he and I to eat herrings at the Dog Taverne.”

On the same day, October 10, 1666, a sermon was preached before King Charles II., which in my opinion is the most sought-after – the title-page features Wenceslaus Hollar’s famous engraving of old St Paul’s Cathedral on fire – William Sancroft’s, Lex Ignea or, The School of Righteousness. A sermon preached before the King, Octob. 10, 1666, at the solemn fast appointed for the late fire in London.

Two passages are particularly memorable:
“And all to teach us this Lesson, That ’tis Sin puts the Thunder into Gods Hand, and turns Flames of Love into a consuming fire.  And therefore dream no longer of Granado’s or Fire-Balls, or the rest of those witty Mischeifs; search no more for Boutefieus or Incendiaries, Dutch or French . . . Turn your Eyes inward into your own Bosoms; there lurks the great Make-bate, the grand Boutefieu between Heaven and us.” (pp.21-2).
“A City in the Meanness of the Materials, the Oldness of the Buildings, the straightness of some Streets, the ill Scituation of others, and many like Inconveniences, so expos’d to this dismal Accident, that it must needs have been long since in Ashes, had not his miraculous Mercy preserv’d it.” (pp.26-7).

Another antiquarian Great Fire collectable, though I don’t know how easily found, would be London indentures dating post-1666 during the rebuilding of the city. So far I have only one, dated 1681, a release to Mr Abraham Wessell of the ground rents of houses in St Clements Lane, Eastcheap.
Great Fire (3)  Great Fire (4) Great Fire (5)  Great Fire (6)
Here is St Clements Lane in the upper left corner; detail map provided in Hanson’s The Dreadful Judgement facing p.109.
Great Fire map
There is a splendid section in the indenture with the words “lately erected”, and the lane is near where the Great Fire began.
Two Messuages or Tenements with the yards and Outhowses thereunto belonging Scytuate lyeing and being in St Clements Lane in the parish of St Clements Eastcheape London and there lately erected by Thomas Bristow Citizen and Turner of London upon certaine Tofts and peeces of ground fronting to the saide Lane called St Clements Lane on the East, and Conteyning from North to South in ffront Thirty Nyne foot and tenn ynches of assize little more or lesse, abutting upon the Messuage on the west of Richard Glover backwards from the said Streete,” etc. etc.
1681 Sir Eliab Harvey London Indenture (3)
In rebuilding the city it was highly important that every inch was accounted for and that landowners rebuilt within the plots that they legally owned prior to the fire. To keep order and sort out the inevitable problems, a Fire Court was established.

It is worth remarking here that at the Vancouver Public Library, Special Collections, there is a folio KJV printed by Barker in 1617 (220.5 B58 AU26) that reputedly suffered damage in the Great Fire of 1666. Unfortunately it seems impossible to verify this.
1617 pulpit KJV (21)  1617 pulpit KJV (1) 1617 pulpit KJV (2) 1617 pulpit KJV (19)
The Bible was “restored” in Victoria’s reign, completely rebound in full leather (which has been covered with a removable black slip) over wooden boards; some of the pages were re-edged or mounted; and the block was gilt goffered, covering up whatever evidence may have existed. It is absolutely possible that it was in a church in London in 1666 and carried away during the fire (records exist of such scenarios occurring); but there is no evidence of church ownership extant that I can find, nor any evidence of damage such as from flames or smoke. That the first and last pages are tattered is commensurate with use.

Something rather more factual is held at Simon Fraser University, Special Collections, Weever’s Ancient Funerall Monuments (DA 28 W38 1631). The book was owned by an avid London antiquarian in WW2; he wrote up a sort of diary entry on the endleaves together with some mediaeval research. The book itself is an antiquarian’s dream as it records so many inscriptions of funereal church monuments destroyed in the Great Fire only thirty-five years after printing. Yet, the owner during the time of the London Blitz included an equally valid piece of modern history :-

The Temple Church is one of 3 round ones in England, the other 2 being Cambridge and Northampton. Fortunately the Temple Church in London escaped the Erial(?) Fire but not an incendiary bomb in the May 1941 Air Raid – which burnt the roof and the great iron girders 14 ft long by 6 inches thick fell down on the Crusaders tombs below crushing their faces and legs and bodies in most cases but leaving some faces untouched and even some of the figures. It was a great mistake to leave built a heavy iron roof above these ancient relics, but (?) as they depict war (he that taketh up the sword shall perish by the sword) so did in part these ancient effigies. I myself went into the Temple Church in April 1941 (?) a month before they were bombed. I went because the Temple Library and (?) other buildings had already suffered by bombs, and even by land mines. I wished to (have?) a last (parting?) look at the old tombs. I was shocked that no brickwork had been built over these tombs to protect them from the (terrible?) fall of the roof. But (? ?) lose in money matters and even the necessary funds were not forthcoming to protect what they should have treasured. (?) wrong in saying they are (?) marble. For only Purbeck Marble is found in England. The (?) pieces showed only too well that they are made of a soft limestone. I felt sad I was one of the last to see them in their original condition. But I consoled myself that the Crusaders did not do any real good. They only irritated the Saracens and Turks so that (from?) Constantinople and almost to Vienna they came and conquered. Had they gone out as (r?) unarmed they might have won the people back to Christianity. But are we much better in AD 1942?
He also pasted in a glossy postcard stamped Daily Mail depicting the Temple Church on fire during the bombings in 1941 onto a rear endpaper.

While not related in any way to the 1666 Great Fire, but specifically to the Blitz, nevertheless I’d like to share, that some years ago I bought a copy of Willis’ Architectural History of Canterbury Cathedral (1845), with no indication of its provenance. Upon receiving it in the mail and looking it over, I found that it had once belonged to Lambeth Palace and was given away by the librarian C. R. Dodwell in the 1950s during the post-war cleanup.
1845 Architectural History of Canterbury Cathedral, Lambeth Palace Copy (2) 1845 Architectural History of Canterbury Cathedral, Lambeth Palace Copy (4)
Since the book has no shelf marks (it was re-spined ca1970s with new endpapers), it’s impossible to tell where in the building the book was kept during the time that the Palace was bombed; likely the Great Hall; yet it seems certain the book was present in the Palace at the time of the air raids which did much damage to the library.


If you are in the London area, visit the Museum of London’s exhibit, Fire! Fire! which looks splendid. The exhibition is on from 23 July 2016 – 17 April 2017. A 17th century fire engine has been restored and is on display there.

Medieval Great Fires of London

Great Fire of London 1666

Great Fire Monument

The Great Fire’s Great Column – a History of the Great Fire of London

Five ways the Great Fire changed London

Robert Hooke, Early Science and Surveying

Robert Hooke: Victim of Genius

Lisa Jardine on Christopher Wren and St Paul’s Cathedral

Scientists and Craftsmen in Sir Christopher Wren’s London

In 2015, Dr Anthony Geraghty gave a Gresham College lecture entitled Sir Christopher Wren and the Rebuilding of the City Churches, which is viewable online both at the Gresham website (with transcription and audio) and on YouTube.

In 2016, Dr Simon Thurley gave a Gresham College lecture entitled Sir Christopher Wren: Buildings, Place and Genius, which is viewable online both at the Gresham website (with transcription and audio) and on YouTube.

Peter Ackroyd’s London, Fire & Destiny


John Evelyn: Living for Ingenuity, by Gillian Darley, in which there is an excellent chapter on the Great Fire.

‘A More Beautiful City’: Robert Hooke and the Rebuilding of London after the Great Fire, by Michael Cooper.

England’s Leonardo: Robert Hooke and the Seventeenth-Century Scientific Revolution, by Allan Chapman.

The Curious Life of Robert Hooke, by Lisa Jardine.

On a Grander Scale: The Outstanding Career of Sir Christopher Wren, by Lisa Jardine.

A learned paper on the subject of St. Paul’s Cathedral and the legend that it was once the site of a Temple of Diana, considered by Wren and early antiquaries,

Revelation Restored: The Apocalypse in Later Seventeenth-Century England
, by Warren Johnston.

Butcher, Baker, Candlestick Maker : Surviving the Great Fire of London, by Hazel Forsyth, recently published and can be bought at the Book Depository.

&c &c

London Arms fob

Marginal Pointing Hands

Pointing hands in my collection (1)One of the most fun aspects of reading antiquarian books is coming across marginal reading marks in the form of pointing hands, or “manicules” (see William Sherman’s superb book on the subject, Used Books: Marking Readers in Renaissance England, 2008).

Besides underlining or dotting, pointing hands were perhaps the most common form of bringing attention to the text during the Renaissance period. Unfortunately underlining is still current in our modern society, while the pointing hand has been relegated to antiquarians.

I’ve got a fair number of pointing hands in my collection of 16th-17th century books. The first book I acquired that contained any was, A Continuation of Morning Exercise-Questions and Cases of Conscience (1683; see above photo and below).
Pointing hands in my collection (2)  Pointing hands in my collection (3)

There are differing degrees of likenesses according to the reader’s ability with a pen, or the time he or she was willing to spend on such things. Sometimes pointing hands rather resemble mutton or pork chops than anything else, as here in A Summons for Sleepers (1589).
Pointing hands in my collection (5)  Pointing hands in my collection (4)

There are some more of the meaty variety in Jewel’s A Defence of the Apologie (1567), which is a strange book as there are also finely drawn hands amongst the chops, and one case where a mutton chop is juxtaposed with a nice hand with crossed fingers.
1567 Defence of the Apologie   1567 Defence of the Apologie

Stephen Batman (c1542-1584) is acknowledged to be responsible for the finer drawings in the Defence of the Apologie (1567). Among the several pointing hands in that book are these three with fore-arms, one bare, two with sleeves
1567 Jewel Defence of the Apologie (36) 1567 Jewel Defence of the Apologie (35)1567 Defence of the Apologie

and two superb drawings of hands holding quills.

1567 Defence of the Apologie

1567 Defence of the Apologie

Not that English books were the only to receive such marks. While at MacLeod’s Books in June 2016 I discovered a small tome in a pile which turned out to be Anotomia delli vitii printed at Florence in 1550 which is full of marginal notes with a few pointing hands, which I promptly bought
Pointing hands in my collection (10) Pointing hands in my collection (9) Pointing hands in my collection (7) Pointing hands in my collection (6)
Pointing hands in my collection (8)

In 2011 I began my research in Special Collections at the Vancouver Public Library looking precisely for pointing hands, “manicules”. While I didn’t find very much particularly in that regard, nevertheless I made some pretty nice discoveries of annotations, which I might not have found without the symbolic pointing hand guiding me there in first place.

For more on Batman’s copy of Jewell’s Defence of the Apologie see my blog post.

Further reading, remember Sherman’s Used Books: Marking Readers in Renaissance England. There are some other volumes on the topic as well, but this is the guide to get, and it includes extensive notes and bibliography.

No Room in the Modern Church

Books (1) How does an antiquarian such as myself with a social disorder navigate successfully in a sociable, ever-modernizing world? My question goes beyond church attendance, but it is most pertinent to it because church is a social function. Many denominations today have thoroughly modernized themselves to coincide (but conservatively) with Pop Culture.

With this modernization, where does that leave the old English Church Antiquary with his 400 year old books? I began struggling with this issue in my 20s (I’m 30). The result is that I have little desire to attend.
One would think that with the Christian Church being pretty old someone such as myself would find a home there. This was the case until this past half century. I tend to long with John Aubrey for a monastery to live in, yet cannot because the theology I adhere to would dissolve monasteries rather than let quiet men be themselves in them.
1718 1723 Dugdale Monasticon Anglicanum (3) 1718 1723 Dugdale Monasticon Anglicanum (48)

Being a church antiquary, or any other sort of antiquarian, doesn’t especially seem to be a way of life that has made the trip across the ocean from England to the new world, least of all to the northwest coast of North America. The oldest churches in British Columbia (my home province) only date from about 1860, which is fascinating and important, but that’s nothing compared to AD 860 for instance. Nevertheless, Christ Church in Surrey, built 1884, in all probability has much to do with my current interest, having spent part of my most impressionable time of childhood walking around the church and the graves, living in the neighbourhood at that time. The church is only used now for special occasions; the congregation gathers at a newer building across the road.
1884 Christ Church Cloverdale exterior (10) 1884 Christ Church Cloverdale exterior (25)1884 Christ Church Cloverdale interior (3) 1884 Christ Church Cloverdale interior (14)

Here’s what I would drive there on a Sunday morning if I could
Surrey Museum (1) Surrey Museum (10)

From Micro-cosmographie first printed 1628, the Antiquary:
Hee is one that hath that vnnaturall disease to bee enamour’d of old age, and wrinckles, and loues all things (as Dutchmen doe Cheese) the better for being mouldy and worme-eaten. He is of our Religion, because wee say it is most ancient; and yet a broken Statue would almost make him an Idolater. A great admirer he is of the rust of old Monuments, and reades only those Characters, where time hath eaten out the letters. Hee will goe you forty miles to see a Saints Well or a ruin’d Abbey; . . . . He loues no Library, but where there are more Spiders volums then Authors, and lookes with great admiration on the Antique work of Cob-webs. Printed bookes he contemnes, as a nouelty of this latter age; but a Manuscript he pores on euerlastingly, especially if the couer be all Moth-eaten, and the dust make a Parenthesis betweene euery Syllable. He would giue all the Bookes in his Study (which are rarities all) for one of the old Romane binding, or sixe lines of Tully in his owne hand.” etc.

c 1270 Essex land grant

Isn’t this delicious?! c1270 Essex land grant

Thomas Fuller wrote in his work The Holy State (1642) of The true Church Antiquary:
He is a traveller into former times, whence he hath learnt their language and fashions. If he meets with an old manuscript, which hath the mark worn out of its mouth, and hath lost the date, yet he can tell the age thereof either by the phrase or character. . . . .
He desires to imitate the ancient Fathers, as well in their Piety, as in their Postures.
1716 Cave Apostolici Ecclesiastici (23) 1585 Hanmer Avncient Ecclesiasticall Histories (16)

Not onely conforming his hands and knees, but chiefly his heart to their pattern. O the holinesse of their living and painfulnesse of their preaching! how full were they of mortified thoughts, and heavenly meditations! Let us not make the ceremoniall part of their lives onely Canonicall, and the morall part thereof altogether Apocrypha, imitating their devotion not in the finenesse of the stuff, but onely in the fashion of the making.
He carefully marks the declination of the Church from the Primitive purity. Observing how sometimes humble devotion was contended to lie down, whilest proud superstition got on her back. . . .
He is not zealous for the introducing of old uselesse Ceremonies. The mischief is, some that are most violent to bring such in, are most negligent to preach the cautions in using them; and simple people, like Children in eating of fish, swallow bones and all to their danger of choking. . . .”

The 8th maxim has particular resonance with me, “He doth not so adore the Ancients as to despise the Modern,” –which is to say, I dislike modernity even more than I love antiquity.

[I am aware of the irony posting this online instead of writing it with a quill on parchment for posterity].

Sir Walter Scott and Washington Irving also picked up on the antiquary characterization.
The latter in his Sketch-Book in the story Christmas Day wrote regarding the parson,
He was a complete black-letter hunter, and would scarcely read a work printed in the Roman character. The editions of Caxton and Wynkin de Worde were his delight, and he was indefatigable in his researches after such old English writers as have fallen into oblivion . . .
He had pored over these old volumes so intensely, that they seemed to have been reflected into his countenance; which, if the face be indeed an index of the mind, might be compared to a title-page of black-letter. . . .
The parson gave us a most erudite sermon on the rites and ceremonies of Christmas, and the propriety of observing it, not merely as a day of thanksgiving, but of rejoicing; supporting the correctness of his opinions by the earliest usages of the church, and enforcing them by the authorities of Theophilus of Cesarea, St. Cyprian, St. Chrysostom, St. Augustine, and a cloud more of saints and fathers, from whom he made copious quotations . . . The worthy parson lived but with times past, and knew but little of the present . . .
Shut up among worm-eaten tomes in the retirement of his antiquated little study, the pages of old times were to him as the gazettes of the day; while the era of the Revolution was mere modern history. He forgot that nearly two centuries had elapsed since the fiery persecution of poor mince-pie throughout the land; when plum porridge was denounced as ‘mere popery,’ and roast beef as anti-Christian; and that Christmas had been brought in again triumphantly with the merry court of King Charles at the Restoration. . .

These characterizations are rather satirical and pleasant to read; there is a great deal of truth in them.

1607 Breeches Geneva Bible (1)While the majority of my fellow church-goers were totally ignorant of the fact that there were English Protestant versions of the bible that predated the KJV (1611), being annoyed by their ignorance and having the opportunity I bought my 1607 Geneva and took it regularly to churches with me on any given occasion. It turned some heads, which in itself was not my intention. Bringing it weekly to the men’s prayer meeting worked well, and it was rather fun on occasion in juxtaposition with one’s digital versions on his smartphone. Next I bought my facsimile 1537 Matthews Bible, which I likewise (without verses) used in prayer meeting. Eventually these were followed by the 1577 Bishops Bible, which I was excited about not only because of the version and its age, but also for its decrepit early leather over wood, with a manuscript fragment in front dating to about 1400 most likely cut from a mediaeval breviary.
1577 Iugge Bishops Bible quarto (7)  1577 Bishops' Bible, NT  1577 Iugge Bishops Bible Quarto (21)

Just as I prefer the Mediaeval and Tudor English biblical versions over the KJV (which has nothing to do with a dislike of modern scholarship which I greatly appreciate), I also prefer the 1559 Book of Common Prayer over the 1662. If anyone wants to use the Modern revised BCP (which was the point of some to-do re: Wm & Kate’s wedding), go ahead, but it’s not for me. I’d use an Anglo-Saxon one from Bede’s time if it existed, preferably in his own handwriting.

Here’s my copy of Sternhold & Hopkins, The Whole Booke of Psalmes printed by Daye in 1576, which even includes a brief lesson to initiate the parishioner in the scale.
1576 Whole Booke of Psalmes  1576 Whole Booke of Psalmes, with "solfaying"  1577 Iugge Bishops Bible quarto (43)

First printed in 1562, Sternhold & Hopkins remained the primary songbook of the Anglican Church for approximately 200 years (it was still being printed in the 19thC). Isaac Watts and the rest of that 18th-19th century crew replaced the time-honoured book of Psalms with their own lyrics: the Psalms had been the primary source for Judaeo-Christian hymnody for thousands of years. Very few people in any given congregation would know much about this hymn revolution of the Georgian-Victorian period, or more specifically what it replaced. Not even I have heard any renderings of Sternhold & Hopkins, or even much of Brady & Tate’s A New Version (1696). I haven’t a clue what these tunes sound like, yet our ancestors in the parish churches must have sung these metrical psalms regularly generation after generation, long before (at some point possibly even concurrent with) the hymns of Watts, Wesley, Newton, Cowper (etc) so familiar to our grandparents and their grandparents.

When I was a teenager attending a Pentecostal church, it was a rare special occasion for youth to perform the music in a Sunday morning service. Not long afterward the “old hymns” (too modern for me) were almost wholly replaced with a newfangled cacophony of Rock&Roll played by youthful musicians with electric instruments who utilized coloured lights and so forth, to the delight of some, to the ire of others. It became a contentious issue in the congregation, as I’m sure it has for many congregations. There are some churches who have dealt with the issue (I think successfully?) by having two separate services, traditional and modern, yet often the “traditional” is a bit of false advertising in some places as the sermon (or homily) will be in the modern mode, rather than traditional with an ageless message. But each to his own.

Modernizing has been a part of the effort to bring young people to church (it drove me out), deemed necessary practically at the loss of all Christian history or tradition in some places. No one in the lower circles seemed to have had the foresight that the worship service in some cases would be led into an updated sort of showmanship of a new Middle Ages, where few of the congregation participated in the actual service but sometimes became spectators of performers (sometimes with fog machines), of which the Protestant pastor -not especially sticking to his text but often rambling in unconnected byways with a funny story- would be the finale. This is pretty much what church has become. While drinking coffee in the pews (or chairs).

Coffee in church? Not even as a replacement for the communion juice or wine. I am in favour of drinking coffee at all times and all places, but – lest one turn the sanctuary into a Paul’s Walk – reverence, prayer, devotion would rather be more suitable for the occasion than satisfying the craving for that ever-desired bean. If one can’t hold off for the measly hour or so, it would seem a fast is in order.

Modernizing at the expense of our history has been a problem ever since the Reformation. It’s nothing new. It probably existed before then (e.g., destroying Roman structures to build Saxon, destroying Saxon to build Norman), but it’s been most pronounced ever since Henry VIII’s Dissolution, Edward VI’s Reformation and the iconoclast Civil Wars in which blockheaded soldiers delighted in petty destruction supposedly with biblical verses to support their nefariousness. Now today with the tremendous Revolution in Protestant liturgy, selling off or destroying the organs (again), ridding themselves of pews and large pulpits, discarding (or mutilating by updating) familiar hymns, abandoning traditional church buildings in favour of movie theatres and other non-traditional structures, the radical changes in sermons, the loss of history in favour of modernity, change for the sake of change to be “contemporary” still continues, following trends it would seem. So where’s my pew?

No offense to anyone who finds great fulfilment in the things I’ve disliked. We all have our tastes. Mine happen to be a few centuries older.

1611 The Workes of John Jewell (8)

Bishop Henry King

Henry King (2) About the age of 17, I discovered the lovely poem entitled “The Exequy” by Henry King (1592-1669) in a mid-20th century poetry anthology Great Poems of the English Language that I bought for a few cents at a thriftshop. The volume included five of King’s poems and no biographical info. Not long afterward, at my first job at a bookstore I happened to come across another mid-20thC anthology, Seventeenth Century Prose & Poetry: this included six of his poems (3 in common) and only a brief notice of his life:

Henry King is remembered primarily for a single poem, the great elegy “The Exequy,” in which the manner introduced by Donne is adapted with impressive skill and individuality to lamenting the death of the poet’s wife. . . . King, indeed, ranks with Herbert of Cherbury as one of the earliest disciples of Donne, who was his close friend and whose literary executor he became.” etc. The notice goes on to say who his father was, John King the bishop of London, and so forth, “In 1617 King had married Anne Berkeley; her death a scant seven years later moved him to the composition of the elegy which gives him his special importance among the minor poets of the century.”

Unfortunately this is how Henry King has been represented to the public at large for the better part of a century – the celebrated Bishop of London John King’s son, Henry the “dearest friend and executor” of John Donne whose poetic disciple he was. Henry King has been constantly in the shadow of those two men. For instance, as Donne’s executor he was apparently responsible for Donne’s marble monument by Nicholas Stone in St. Paul’s Cathedral. We remember Donne, we might even remember the aptly-named Stone, but what about King? I myself have been guilty of talking about him with the explanatory addition, “John King’s son,” and “John Donne’s friend.” He is forever tied to them both. It is time that Henry King stood upon his own legs. Henry King is Henry King.

At the time that I found the above anthologies with a few of his poems, I didn’t know anything about him. I greatly enjoyed “The Exequy” and even read the poem to the tune of John Lennon’s Across the Universe in my head (the rhythm of the two vaguely go well together). The poem sparked an interest in King which has only increased with time.

It’s a nice little coincidence that John King’s wife, Henry’s mother, was Joan Freeman, whose maiden name naturally caught my attention and affection – she may be an (improbable) ancestor of mine.

In 2008 I bought my first set of Pepys’ diary (second edition, 1828), where I was pleased to find on July 8th, 1660, “The Bishop of Chichester [Henry King] preached before the King, and made a great flattering sermon, which I did not like that Clergy should meddle with matters of state.”

This was the first of three mentionings of Henry King in Pepys’ diary (see Latham & Matthews edition).

Lord Braybrooke omits one, i.e., March 12, 1664/5, the most interesting to me as it’s the only reference Pepys makes to a printed sermon by King, which was preached on the 30th of January, 1664/5, on the text 2 Chron.35: Vers.24, 25, “I sat down and read over the Bishop of Chichester’s sermon upon the anniversary of the king’s death, much cried up, but, methinks, but a mean sermon.”

Pepys only made one kind comment upon King’s preaching, March 8, 1662/3 “and hear Dr. King, Bishopp of Chichester, make a good and eloquent sermon upon these words, ‘They that sow in tears, shall reap in joy.'”

Shortly after the first of many Pepys acquisitions, I bought Henry King’s first printed work, A Sermon Preached at Pauls Crosse (1621) in vindication of his father John King who had been posthumously maligned with the scandalous rumour he had converted to Catholicism on his deathbed.
1621 Henry King Sermon Preached at Pauls Crosse (2) 1621 Henry King Sermon Preached at Pauls Crosse (3)

Here is John Gipkin’s famous painting showing Henry’s father John King preaching in Paul’s Cross, 1616 (image from Skelton’s Charles I., printed by Goupil, 1898), such a splendid image capturing a soon-lost era at old St. Paul’s:
1898 Skelton Charles I (8)

I coupled King’s 1621 print debut with Sparrow’s edition of King’s Poems (1925). For a little while these remained the extent of my Henry King collection, until I found Berman’s Henry King & The Seventeenth Century (1964).
1925 Sparrow, Poems of Bishop Henry King, copy no 1 (2) Henry King and Seventeenth Century

This year I’ve made some more progress, purchasing a copy of King’s An Exposition upon the Lords Prayer (1634).
1634 Henry King Exposition upon the Lords Prayer (1) 1634 Henry King Exposition upon the Lords Prayer (3) 1634 Henry King Exposition upon the Lords Prayer (4)
I have missed out on two copies of the first edition, 1628, of this title over the years, both in vellum. I am quite glad to finally have this one: King’s works are rare in any early printing.

Whatever the cause, no collective edition of King’s sermons was ever printed other than this thematic volume on the Lords Prayer. Not until Mary Hobbs’ The Sermons of Henry King (1592-1669), Bishop of Chichester printed by the Scolar Press, 1992, which I have also just bought.

Other modern books that should form the basis of any King collection, which I’ll be getting straight away:
Henry King Crum Poems
Margaret Crum’s edition The Poems (1965).
Sir Geoffrey Keynes’ A Bibliography (1977).

Mary Hobbs, “Henry King, John Donne and the Refounding of Chichester Cathedral Library,” The Book Collector # 33 (Summer 1984), pp.189-205.

Mary Hobbs, “The Restoration Correspondence of Bishop Henry King” in Sussex Archaeological Collections # 125 (1987), pp.139-53.

Henry King (1)The Sermons edited by Mary Hobbs is the latest essential volume to have on Henry King. It is a splendid scholarly book, including a good length Introduction placing King in the period with headings The Life, An Adventurer in a Middle Way, The Sermons, Henry King’s Reading, Notes to the Introduction;

The work includes all of King’s printed sermons from the first in 1621 to the last in 1665, each with a facsimile of the title-page (shown below with my originals).

Henry King (3) 1621 Henry King Sermon Preached at Pauls Crosse (2)
Henry King (4) 1634 Henry King Exposition upon the Lords Prayer (3)

The Sermons further includes Explanatory Notes;
Appendix 1: Index of Sources Used by King (a compendium of his reading);
Appendix 2: Chronology of his Life;
Glossary, Bibliography, Index to the Sermons, General Index.

Regarding Greek and Latin in the sermons, the editor states, “Because the first aim of this edition is to make King accessible to a modern reader, longer Greek and Latin quotations usually from the Fathers, have also been omitted where (as usually happens) King supplies either a translation or a paraphrase with them.”

Henry King (7)Here is an example of this, with my 1621 Sermon side by side with the new edition, showing the first Greek quotation reprinted in Roman lettering and the second has been removed, while King’s own English translation remains.

Hobbs says in the Preface which is very interesting,
“Modern historians, literary scholars, and theologians have not yet discovered the quality and value of his prose. Nor are they aware of King’s historical significance as a representative figure from the true “middle” of the seventeenth-century Church of England (however broad that middle ground may have moved over the period). My first consideration, therefore, has been to make available to the widest audience, in accessible form, the text of Henry King’s prose. Only by that availability will the unfortunate accidents of history that have led to his neglect be overcome.
A sensitive reading of the sermons, which have a much wider range of interest than sermons of today, suggests their importance on their own merits as fine examples of seventeenth-century prose. Like metaphysical poetry, they cry out to be read aloud. At times, they startle with a beauty of rhythm and phrase comparable to that of Thomas Browne, or of Donne himself at his most melodious. King cannot be shown to have Donne’s compelling vigour and density of thought, or the sudden ingenuity of some of his analogies and imagery. Nor has he the elliptical staccato force of Lancelot Andrewes, or Joseph Hall’s homely vigour of image and hearty coutrier’s bonhomie. At King’s quite frequent best, however, in grace of structure, sweetness of sound, elegiac intensity of mood, and occasional dry wit, he has few equals. . . . .
Of the many sermons King must have preached, only ten, with a further eleven collected and published as An Exposition upon the Lords Prayer in 1628, survive today, spanning his long life as a cleric, from the reign of James I to that of Charles II. In comparison with Donne, therefore, we possess a correspondingly high proportion of his more carefully wrought and polished writing, with inspired meditative passages, fascinating byways of learning, and many contemporary insights. Thomas Fuller was convinced that King’s “printed Sermons on the Lords-prayer, and others which he preached, remaining fresh in the minds of his Auditors will report him to all posterity.” But it was not to be. . . . .
The extraordinary modern disregard of King can be traced in the first place to unkind accidents of chance, the wars that deprived him of his manuscripts, and the absence of a biographer or printed funeral sermon from which literary historians might quote. His neglect in this century is no doubt the result of a cavalier dismissal of him as a ‘kind of pale imitation of Donne'”, etc. (pp. 9-10).

While there was no official biography of Henry King in the 17thC (there isn’t yet; check ODNB for the latest; the current article is also by Hobbs), nevertheless there were brief notices, e.g., in Walton’s Life of John Donne (1658) and Fuller’s Worthies (1662) while King was still living.

Henry King (11)Anthony Wood noted in his manuscripts, “Oct.1, F., <Henry> King, bishop of Chichester, dies; vide Sander’s Almanac 1671, character there. A proper handsome man; made a great noise in his times in the University; and <was> cried up for a celebrated preacher – yet died as an ordinary.” [The Life & Times of Anthony Wood, 2.171].

Of course Wood also wrote a brief life of him in the Athenae Oxonienses. Hobbs points out, “A significant fact about Henry King, rediscovered by Ronald Berman from a nineteenth-century article, is his nomination as Archbishop of York at the Restoration, of which historians say nothing. Wood, perhaps, hints at this in his comment that ‘not being removed to a better see, [he] became discontented . . . and a favourer thereupon of the Presbyterians in his diocese.'”
The reader is then directed to the note, “Ath. Oxon 3.841 [1817]: King’s Visitation sermon and his correspondence show Wood’s information to be inaccurate. Joseph Hall had laid himself open to similar accusation before the wars when he tried to keep the peace in his new diocese of Exeter, see ‘Some Specialities in his Life,’ in Hall, Works 1.xxv-vi.” (pp. 25 ; 55).

Here is the offending paragraph in volume 2 of the first edition (my copy, p.309, 1692), which says that King was “always puritannically affected, and therefore to please the Puritan he was promoted to the See of Chichester.” etc. [It must be remembered Wood wrote over 1,400 lives in the Athenae, etc., he’s not always right].
Wood H King (3)

From his first printed sermon, A Sermon Preached at Pauls Crosse, King made his stance in theology very clear, taking the middle way, likewise against Roman Catholics and “Lay Mechanicke Presbiters,” in the Anglican method of the period. Here is the section against puritans (pp. 5-6, 1621):
Henry King (8) Henry King (9)

One can read Hobbs’ article on the subject, An Adventurer in a Middle Way, in The Sermons. “Thomas Fuller (himself worth closer study as the historian of the middle way) names Henry King among those bishops he considers ‘moderates,’ in contrast to Arminian or Calvinist, at the beginning of the civil wars . . . .
It is important to realise that King’s primary purpose in preaching is not to expound systematic theology. He sees instead, like Robert Sanderson and Jeremy Taylor later (and indeed like the more Calvinist Jacobean and Caroline bishops, amongst whom were his own father and Joseph Hall), the great need for a ‘practical divinity’ to aid Christians in their daily life and prayer. His theological views, chiefly expressed in The Lords Prayer and in the sermons contemporary with it in the period from 1621 to 1628, are elicited in response to particular Roman Catholic and Puritan dogmas and practices that he considers have departed from those of the primitive Church.” (p.31).

Another example of this can be read in his reference to the heretical Adamites in the Visitation sermon, October 8, 1662:
To apparel our Discourses in more Ceremony than becomes the subject, or to use none at all, are Extremes alike culpable.
To put upon a small body more clothes than it can bear is to smoother our Conceptions, and stifle the Argument we preach with multiplicity of words; yet to put on None at all were to establish the Heresie of the Adamites in the Pulpit, and to dogmatize Nakedness. Good matter clad in very thin or ill words is one of the strangest, most misshapen things that may be.
Adam knew not He was naked until he had eaten of the Tree of Knowledge, and then his Knowledge made him ashamed of his Nakedness. Ignorance may without blushing walk naked; for darkness needs no Mantle, and night is Covering to it self. But knowing Arguments sent abroad without a decent apparel, like Tapers set up in sluttish Candlesticks, bear Light about them onely to shame the Author.”

1662 Heresiography (9)Adamites were included in Pagitt’s Heresiography, Or a Description and History of the Hereticks and Sectaries Sprang up in these latter times, of which I have the sixth edition, 1662. [I’m unaware if King himself had a copy of this book].

A very informative and useful link, the Catalogue of English Literary Manuscripts 1450-1700 has much on Henry King, echoing some of Hobbs’ Introduction regarding King’s books etc confiscated during the Civil Wars [her sections on King’s reading and the appendix of his sources are of great interest].
“The precise extent of the despoliation of both King’s episcopal library and his private library is unclear, although at least some books appear to have been ‘redeemed’. Neither is it known what happened to any of the books specifically mentioned in King’s will. However, it seems likely that a number of books which would have been owned or used by King are still preserved in the Cathedral Library at Chichester.” –

Hobbs ends the preliminary part of her life of King, “A list of Lent preachers at Court for 1666 shows that the Bishop of Chichester preached on Sunday, 4 March of that year. Giles Moore records two further Visitation sermons, never printed, in 1666 and 1669, the latter only three weeks before King’s death. In the same year, he had been invited once more to preach at Whitehall in Lent, on 28 February 1669. His letter accepting Sheldon’s invitation exists, and the sermon, again never printed, was heard by John Evelyn, who recorded in his diary only that it was on the very characteristic earlier theme ‘of the preciousness of time etc.’ So King’s sermons, though comparatively few survive, spanned his long life as a priest, from his ordination in 1616/7 to his death at the ripe age of 77.
He died on 30 September 1669 at Chichester, one of only two bishops in the seventeenth century who did not pass through that impoverished diocese on the way to more desirable sees. It seems there was no one left who knew him well enough to write his life or to publish his sermons, despite the significance of his earlier role in the Church of England. His last wishes were disregarded. Like his father, he asked in his will for a plain tombstone (with the words ‘Deposita redditurae animae’ – ‘All that is left of a soul returned home’). He asked to lie in the choir at Chichester. Today, his ornate and fulsome memorial, recut by a descendant in the eighteenth century and twice moved since, now stands in the north transept of his cathedral, though it looks up at the library that his books helped to refound. His real monument is his poetry and this handful of well-wrought printed sermons.” (pp. 30-1).

Besides “The Exequy,” his poetry includes some historically interesting pieces, elegies on the death of Prince Henry (1612), on the death of his father John King (1621), on the death of “his ever desired friend” John Donne (1631). Among my favourites is this pretty little piece on Burton’s Anatomy of Melancholy.
Henry King (19)

While many have cried out against the “extraordinary modern disregard of King”, I do wonder why there is such silence on his father John King (d. 1621), the celebrated bishop of London? Has anyone printed a collective, scholarly edition of his sermons? It would seem that there has been far more neglect of John King than there has been of Henry. Personally I would be very eager to have such an edition of John King’s sermons to accompany his son’s. Some of John King’s sermons have come up for sale in recent years, but these have predictably sold quickly and are quite rare. While I may introduce Henry King to my friends as “John King’s son,” nevertheless, does anyone really know who John King was either? Other than “John Donne’s friend,” or the preacher in the 1616 St Paul’s Cross painting. He was once greatly esteemed.

John King’s works deserve to be printed again, e.g.:

Lectures upon Jonas, delivered at Yorke in the year of our Lorde 1594.
The fourth sermon preached at Hampton Court on Tuesday the last of Sept. 1606
(STC (2nd ed.), 14974)
A sermon preached in Oxon: the 5. of November. 1607 (STC (2nd ed.), 14974).
A sermon preached in St. Maries at Oxford the 24. of March being the day of his sacred Maiesties inauguration and Maundie Thursday (STC (2nd ed.), 14987).
&c. &c. See English Short-Title Catalogue, and ODNB.

Poems and Psalms of Henry King, edited by Hannah, 1843 (digitized).
The English Poems of Henry King, D.D., edited by Mason, 1914 (digitized).

Amateur Stitch Repairs

Over the past decade of collecting antiquarian books, I’ve come across the occasional stitch repair. Up until recently the examples I had found were thread & needle sutures to hold torn paper in books. Stitch repairs seem to have been common in the old days, sewing tears in paper, leather, vellum, and cracked wooden book boards. It is a fascinating view into a lost world, finding stitch repairs in an old book.

When I bought my first such book, the “repair” in the torn page was pointed out to me by my bookseller friend who was smitten with the volume and reluctant to sell it to any other but me. It was the earliest book that the bookshop had ever handled, Epicteti Enchiridion: The Morals of Epictetus (1716). This was an historical curiosity that neither of us had ever imagined at the time. I was 20 years old.
1716 Morals of Epictetus (6)

A few years later I bought my 1607 Geneva Bible. While reading I came across a small stitch repair to the top margin of one of the pages in Matthew, not unlike the above.
1607 Breeches Geneva Bible (21)

Recently a splendid example of stitch repair to a bookbinding came in at work, which I promptly bought! Thankfully the title is perfect for my antiquarian theological collection, the French Catholic priest Richard Simon’s A Critical History of the New Testament (1689), translated into English and printed in London the year after the Catholic king James II was kicked out. While it’s not an original link-stitch binding, it is much to celebrate (in my opinion) as a previous owner’s idiosyncratic repair work.
1689 Simon A Critical History of the New Testament (1) 1689 Simon A Critical History of the New Testament (2)
1689 Simon A Critical History of the New Testament (10) 1689 Simon A Critical History of the New Testament (8)

For stitch repairs in wooden book boards, see Honey and Velios’ splendid paper, “The historic repair and reuse of Byzantine wooden bookboards in the manuscript collection of the monastery of St Catherine, Sinai”.


Antiquarian Ramblings in 2016

In my New Years post 2015 in My Library, followers will have read that I have been reading the Bible according to the Calendar in the Book of Common Prayer prefixed to my 1577 Bishops Bible, as well as reciting the Psalter morning and evening.

What I failed to notice previously (I wasn’t paying attention), is that the Psalter portions for February and March in the pre-1661 calendars, back to 1549, begin February 1st with Psalm day 2, and March –begins and ends– with the 30th day of the Psalter.

1577 Bishops' Bible, calendar

1577 Bishops’ Bible, calendar

This may not seem like much of an issue at first glance; one must experience it firsthand living in this modern age of the Gregorian Calendar. When I read the Psalter morning & evening formerly, I was not paying attention to the BCP calendar itself but simply reading Psalter Day 1 on Month Day 1, knowing what the current date was. I carried on as usual month after month, without ever paying attention, except to stop in February on the 28th (or 29th) and whenever the 31st appears to recite the 30th on consecutive days. My usage in this manner very much conformed to the revision of Charles II’s Restoration.

Yet when looking up what scriptural passages I was to read in the 1577 calendar, I happened to discover that I was reading the wrong day of the psalter formerly in February and March, e.g., February 1st read Psalm day 2, or March 1st read Psalm Day 30, if you follow in the earlier calendar. This was confusing: my brain knew what day it was, so why was I reading one day behind or ahead? It tended to throw me off, especially before coffee.

February 5th = Psalm day 6th ; 6th = 7th ; 7th = 8th ; etc.

In March, 1st = Psalm day 30 ; 2nd = 1st ; 3rd = 2nd ; etc, until 31st = 30th (again).

So, in February I was one day ahead; in March I was one day behind. Add to that the annoyance of daylight savings time!
Thankfully we’re back to normal in April when 1 = 1.

Researching to find when this began, I found it as early as the 1549 Booke of Common Prayer (, and it was printed in this manner almost constantly until the Revision: all -but one- of the early printings of the Book of Common Prayer calendars that I’ve seen thus far previous to the Revision use the same portioning, February 1st = Psalm day 2.

One exception appears to be the 1634 Booke of Common Prayer (held at Vancouver Public Library, Spec. Coll. 264.03 C5611b3), which I don’t know may be an anomaly edition. This shows February 1st = Psalm day 1 as it was later edited, but still with the word Psalmes which in later editions (after 1661) was omitted.
1634 BCP (4)

There was, I believe, a trend in this direction, and the 1634 Booke of Common Prayer printed by Barker at London may be one example. For instance, it is notable that folio Bibles with prefixed calendars print the early usage of the Psalter as well as an enumeration of how many days are in each month, in separate vertical columns, at least as early as the 1611 KJV (shown below are the 1613 and 1617 folio KJVs at the Vancouver Public Library [my 1611 folio facsimile is a match]):

Indeed, now looking further, I find this format with vertical days of the month was printed as early as the 1585 Bishops Bible folio.
1613 KJV at VPL  1617 KJV at VPL

England was becoming quickly familiar with the Gregorian calendar toward the end of Elizabeth’s reign in spite of the rejection of it until 1752 [see Dr Poole on John Dee and the English Calendar].
The calendar prefixed to the Bible and Book of Common Prayer, I’m certain, represented this trend of conservative Gregorian acknowledgement in England in 1585 by displaying how many days each month the calendar has in a vertical column, exclusive of the Psalms.

I am curious to know whether or not the Tudor Psalter-reciters had any confusion within the Julian system in February and March, seeing that the Days of the Psalter rarely matched up with the numbers of Kalends, Nones, Ides by which one would normally tell what day it was? Perhaps it was never an issue then, but became so with familiarity with the modern, Gregorian calendar?

One can clearly see by looking in Samuel Pepys’ and John Evelyn’s diaries that January 1st was firmly established as the New Year by the middle 17thC despite the fact that the calendar didn’t technically flip over until Lady Day in March. Could dropping the Psalmes in the 1661 Revision be an indication that the Psalter-reciters of the 17thC were grown used to the new Gregorian calendar and, like me, found the old system with a new calendar confusing in February and March?

This is merely my theory: I haven’t read much on the topic, as there doesn’t appear to be much written specifically on the issue of pre-Restoration BCP calendars.
[If anyone knows of a helpful book or article, please let me know below].

Copies of the Book of Common Prayer printed and bound separately of the Bible were becoming more common place from about 1600. By the 19th century, Bibles rarely (if ever) had any portion of the BCP printed with them, but the two could be bought separately and bound uniformly. Individual copies of the Book of Common Prayer were, of course, obtainable even in Elizabeth’s reign, but it was more common to find them bound up with the Bible itself in the 16th-17th centuries. The departure as the 17th century developed may have had much to do with the growing normalcy of differing sects who used the Authorized (KJV) Bible. Several factors seem to have dictated the changes in the calendar; and not only within the calendar, but whether or not the Bible had a calendar at all.

For more on Reformed English psalm recitation, see my post on the 1513 Sanctus Hieronymus at the VPL for mid-16thC markings of matins & vespers. Another example is the VPL’s copy of the 1549 Matthews Byble printed by Daye and Seres (220.5 B58MT), in which the BCP usage is marked in the margins of the Psalms, e.g., xiii day, and Evening (or simply E), which I’d like to imagine was handwritten contemporaneously with the first Booke of Common Prayer in 1549.
1549 Matthews Bugge Byble, Daye and Seres (23) 1549 Matthews Bugge Byble, Daye and Seres (24)

Now for recent purchases:
I have very happily bought Andrew Willet’s An Harmonie vpon the First [and Second] Booke of Samvel, which includes, Ecclesia Triumphans Thesaurus Ecclesiae, and A Catholicon, printed at Cambridge in 1614. Willet’s works are scarce on the market. Thanks very much to Bison Books!
1614 Willet An Harmonie vpon Samuel (2) 1614 Willet An Harmonie vpon Samuel (7) 1614 Willet An Harmonie vpon Samuel (13) 1614 Willet An Harmonie vpon Samuel (18) 1614 Willet An Harmonie vpon Samuel (21)  1614 Willet An Harmonie vpon Samuel (12)

This was an exciting purchase for me, as I had made a fascinating discovery in Special Collections at the Vancouver Public Library over the Summer of 2011, finding an annotated copy of Willet’s Hexapla in Genesin / Exodum (1632-3), which, a year and a half later (January 2013), was established as being William Dowsing’s copy (many thanks to John Craig at SFU!). Among the marginalia I found in 2011 was this splendid reference to the death of the annotator’s wife, apparently on the words that died in travaile, with marginal note on Gen. 35. 19 (And Rachel died):
Dowsing Willet Hexapla (164)
So did my wife 3 howers after her deliuerance 1640. may 9 at one of ye clocke in after none 4. days after ye p[ar]liam[en]t was desolued. W.D.”

It’s very befitting that Dowsing referred to Stephan Batman’s Doome-Warning twice in the margins of Willet’s Hexapla, considering that I bought in 2015 the first edition of Jewell’s Defence of the Apologie (1567) annotated by Batman himself. It’s nice when these things come together. (see my post on Batman’s 1567 Jewell).

Another recent purchase of mine this year, Reliquiae Baxterianae: or, Mr. Richard Baxter’s Narrative of the Most Memorable Passages of his Life and Times (1696).
1696 Reliquiae Baxterianae (21)
  1696 Reliquiae Baxterianae (22)
For the most part I have been focusing on modern scholarship this year, acquiring much of Bishop Henry King, John Donne, Samuel Pepys, John Evelyn, Anthony Wood, John Aubrey, Judge Jeffreys, with much more to come on the English Reformation to Restoration periods.

600 Years of Documents

c 1270 Essex land grantAs a young private book-collector with an interest in palaeography, I have so far amassed 68 manuscripts on parchment and paper. These originate from England and are written in Latin or English, spanning over six hundred years, c1270-1884, mostly in the form of indentures from the Tudors to the Georgians. Three of these documents were publically exhibited at Simon Fraser University Special Collections at the WAC Bennett Library from October 2011 – February 2012 as part of my display there.

Below is a catalogue of my holdings, divided by Parchment and Paper respectively.

On Parchment

c 1270 Essex land grant  c 1270 Essex land grant
. (Latin) 13thC, dated c1270. A grant in Stapleford Abbots, Essex, for 4 l. 13 s. 4 d. from Edmund de Remesel to Roger son of John de Watevile for his homage and service, and all the land he has in the field called Merefeld with a way to carry, drive and lead whenever he wishes, etc.

c1400 copy of a c1250 quitclaym

c1400 copy of a c1250 quitclaim

. (Latin) c1400 copy of a c1250 quitclaim of Richard de Clare, Earl of Hertford, to his cousin Count Albert [recte Aubrey] the service of Hempstead of two knights’ fees, for which acquittance Albert is his man and has given him 40 l. of silver.

Dated 26 October, 1413. Joan Tyrwhyt, widow of Richard Tyrwhyt, to Thomas Coppendale, son of Stephen Coppendale of Beverley, her right in lands and tenements in the vill and territory of Mollescroft which formerly belonged to Richard Tyrwhyt. Witnesses: Thomas Swanland, Thomas Jolyf, Thomas Whytt, Sir William Riell and Sir William Cotyngham, chaplains. Given at Beverley

Dated 26 October, 1413

1413 Joanna Tyrwhit deed (2) 1413 Joanna Tyrwhit deed (4)
. (Latin) Dated 26 October, 1413. Joan Tyrwhyt, widow of Richard Tyrwhyt, to Thomas Coppendale, son of Stephen Coppendale of Beverley, her right in lands and tenements in the vill and territory of Mollescroft which formerly belonged to Richard Tyrwhyt. Witnesses: Thomas Swanland, Thomas Jolyf, Thomas Whytt, Sir William Riell and Sir William Cotyngham, chaplains. Given at Beverley.

Dated 13 October, 1449

Dated 13 October, 1449

1449 Harlakynden vellum document, boar's head seal 1449 Harlakynden vellum document, seal reverse with fingerprints 1449 Harlakynden vellum document, seal
. (Latin) Dated 13 October, 1449. William Harlakynden and Thomas Jan the Elder have appointed John Pyers as their attorney to give possession and seisin in half a messuage, garden and five pieces of land in Tenterden parish, Kent.

c1552 letter to Bishop Goodricke

c1552 letter fragment addressed to Bishop Goodricke (c1490-1554)

. (English) c1552. A letter once cut up and used as binder’s waste, addressed, To the most rev[er]end ffather in god Thomas bysshop of Ely + lorde Chanceler of Englond. In most humble wyse compleynyng shewyth unto yo[ur] good lordshyp . . .

1556 John Walklyn of Shaulforde, Essex, grants to Robert Hert of Hempstede, Essex (1) 1556 John Walklyn of Shaulforde, Essex, grants to Robert Hert of Hempstede, Essex (3)
. (Latin) Dated 7 May, 1556. Triangular-indented, John Walklyn of Shaulforde grants to Robert Hert of Hempstede one tenement with adjoining croft and one tenement formerly of Walter Walklyn, three acres of arable land, one toft called Morecrofte and another croft called Tuft, also two crofts enclosed with two gardens, for the sum of sixty pounds to be paid to him at the next feast of Circumcision.

1561 exemplification with Q Elizabeth's great seal  1561 exemplification with Q Elizabeth's great seal  1561 exemplification with Q Elizabeth's great seal
. (Latin) Dated 1561 [with Q Elizabeth I’s seal]. An exemplification of final concord the octave of Michaelmas, 3 Elizabeth (6th October, 1561), made Hilary Term (January 1561-2) between James Haldysworth and Gilbert Saltonstall, plaintiffs, and John Cawood and Jane his wife, defendants, of 4 messuages, 1 cottage, 4 tofts, 4 gardens, 4 orchards, 30 acres land, 8 acres meadow, 10 acres of pasture and 4 acres of woods in Sowther.

1588-9 Leicestershire farmland Vellum Indenture (4) 1588-9 Leicestershire farmland Vellum Indenture (7) 1588-9 Leicestershire farmland Vellum Indenture (2)
. (English) Dated 10 February in the 30th year, 1588/9, of Q Elizabeth, between William Boyer of Syeston, weaver, of the first part, and Hugh Bothome of Barkebye, Leicestershire, yeoman of the second part, concerning an acre of meadow land with pastures, etc.

1589 indenture between Richard Vavasor and Peter Newarke 1589 indenture between Richard Vavasor and Peter Newarke 1589 Richard Vavasor indenture (6)
. (English) Dated 2 May in the 30th year, 1589, of Q Elizabeth, between Richard Vavasor of Caynbye in the countye of Lyncolne gentleman of the one partye and Peter Newarke of Akam in the countye of the cyttie of Yorke esquire of thother partye, concerning All those fower acres of meddowe or pasture with thappurtenances Scituate lynge & beinge in the parish of Acaster Malbye in the said countye of the cittye of Yorke.

1593 Peter Newarke Indenture (1)

Dated 10 April in the 34th year of Q Elizabeth

1593 Peter Newarke Indenture (4) 1593 Peter Newarke Indenture (6)
. (English) Dated 10 April in the 34th year, 1593, of Q Elizabeth, between Peter Newark of Akame in the Countie of the cittie of York esquire of thone partie and John Gibson of Crake within the Countie of Yorke doctor of Lawe of thother partie, five Closes of Lande lyinge and beinge in or nere Acaster, And one acre and three Roodes of medowe groude with thappurtenances lyinge and beinge in Acaster Malbie Sowthinges within the said countie of the cittie of Yorke.

York Minster with Seal,  1602 Subchanter of York Minster indenture (5)
. (English) Dated 10 April in the 43rd year, 1602, of Q Elizabeth, between John Richardson Clerke Subchanter and keep of the house or Colledge called the Bederne within the Cittie of Yorke and his bretheren vicars Chorall of the Cathedrall and Metropoliticall Churche of St. Peter in Yorke of thone partie, And Richarde Bell thelder of the said cittie of Yorke gentleman & Jane his wife of thother partie, One house or Tenemente, And all the buyldinges there upon buylded withall and singuler thappurtenances there unto belonginge and apperteyninge, scituate, beinge and Standinge neare Monckbarre in the saide cittie of Yorke, etc.

1603 Vellum Deed of Shillington Manor (1)
. (Latin) Dated 12 May, 1603, document naming Chibley End, Greene End and Stocking, signed by Nicholas Potts, Deputy Steward of the Honour of Ampthill with signed note of inrolment by Francis Woodward.

1604 Freeman of Nottingham Indenture (3) 1604 Freeman of Nottingham Indenture (2)
. (English) Dated 20 March, 1604, between Robert ffreeman, glover, of Nottingham and Henry Lovett of Codnor, Derbyshire, for a messuage “in or neere the streete comonly called Wheeleright gate” for threescore and ten pounds.

1615 Vellum bargain and sale (1) 1615 Vellum bargain and sale (2)
. (Latin) Dated 20 October, 1615, 13th of James I., between Richard Evat of the parish of St. Martin in Stamford, Lincolnshire, clerk, for a certain sum of money, sells to Thomas Horsman of Burton Pedwardine, Lincolnshire, esquire, a cottage or tenement and its land in Burton Pedwardine, now or late in the occupation of George Gulle, to be held of the chief lords by the usual services. Note on reverse of livery of seisin.

1619 Freeman of Nottingham Indenture (3) 1619 Freeman of Nottingham Indenture (1)
. (English) Dated 17 December, 1619, between Robert ffreeman, fellmonger, and John ffreeman, an inholder (inn-keeper) of Nottingham, in consideration of a messuage “in a certayne streete there Co[m]monlye called Wheelewrightgate and nowe in the tenure or occupac[i]on of the said Robert ffreeman.”

1621 Thomas Nye Vellum Will (3)

Dated 10 April, 1621, the will & testament of Thomas Nye

1621 Thomas Nye Vellum Will (5) 1621 Thomas Nye Vellum Will (1)
. (English) Dated 10 April, 1621, the will & testament of Thomas Nye. “Be it knowne that I Thomas Nye doe remyse release and for and from me and my heires forever, quytclayme unto Henry Nye my sone, all my estate right tytle intrest and demand whatsoever,” etc.

1631 Vellum Indenture final concord Trinity Term 7 Charles I, Clement Walker Esq 1 messuage in Debtford, Kent (1)

Dated final concord, Trinity term 7 Charles I, 1631

1631 Vellum Indenture final concord Trinity Term 7 Charles I, Clement Walker Esq 1 messuage in Debtford, Kent (2)
1631 Vellum Indenture final concord Trinity Term 7 Charles I, Clement Walker Esq 1 messuage in Debtford, Kent (9) 1631 Vellum Indenture final concord Trinity Term 7 Charles I, Clement Walker Esq 1 messuage in Debtford, Kent (11)
. (Latin) Dated final concord, Trinity term 7 Charles I, 1631, three documents in chancery. Christopher Vyne, gentleman, querent ; Clement Walker, Esq., deforciant. Re: 1 messuage, 3 barns, 3 gardens, 2 orchards, 80 acres of land, 20 acres of meadow, 40 acres of pasture, in Deptford, Kent.

1640 Hart in Hempstead, Essex, Vellum Indenture (6)
1640 Hart in Hempstead, Essex, Vellum Indenture (1) 1640 Hart in Hempstead, Essex, Vellum Indenture (5)
. (English) Dated 30 April, 1640, between “John Hart of Hempstead in the county of Essex husbandman of th’one partye And Robert Allen of Bumpstead Hellyon in the said county of Essex,” for a messuage.

. (English) Dated 13 March, 1656. Between John Stone of Uphall in the County of Hartford Esq. and Robert Dicer(?) of London Esq., a receipt for moneys received to the amount of GBP 9100, “for the full and absolute parchase of the Mannors or reputed Mannors Messuages Lands Tenements and Hereditaments menc[i]oned and conteyned in and by an Indenture bearinge date with these p[re]sents.”

. (English) Dated 18 November, 1656, between Richard Eborne and his wife Sarah on the one part, and Samuel Shuckford on the other part, for a messuage in the parish of Allhallowes Barking neare the Tower of London.

. (English) Dated 28 September, 1657, between William Chissall Citizen and Merchant Taylor of London of the one part and John Best Citizen and Embroiderer of London of the other part, for a messuage in the parish of Finchingfield, Essex. 

. (English) Dated 9 July, 1661. Betweene Sir Eliab Harvey of London Knight of the first part, Mathew Harvey and William Harvey of London, Merchants Brothers of the said Sir Eliab of the second part, and John Prestwood of London Merchant of the third part.

. (Latin) Dated 11 March, 1670-1, 23 Charles II., between George Mawger of Messingham in the county of Lincoln, yeoman, and his brother John Mawger of Messingham, conveying a half part of a bovate of arable land in the fields of Messingham, and four (?) of meadow in Le Trent Ings and Side Ings, Messingham, which were bought from Francis Mawger and Mary his wife. And also three selions of arable land of four and a half acres in the fields of Winterton. To hold of the chief lords by the usual service.

. (English) Dated 27 June, 1671, between Samuell Lister and Jeremy Rossendale for two messuages and tenements in Southowram, Yorkshire.

. (English) Dated 25 September, 1672, between Benjamyn Waters of Blownorton, Norfolk, yeoman of the one part, and Thomas Garlond of Gislingham, Suffolk, yeoman, and Thomas Hornebye of Botesdale, Suffolk, gentleman, for two messuages.

. (English) Dated 10 June, 1679. Vellum tripartite messuage indenture, between Richard Rogers of Dowdswell, Gloucestershire, gent., and William Rogers his son and heir, of the first part; William Higford of the City of London, gent., and James Elly of the City of Gloucester, gent., on the second part; and Robert Lawrence of Seavenhampton, Gloucestershire, gent., and John Rogers of Haresfield, Gloucestershire, gent., of the third part.

. (English) Dated 14 July, 1681, between Sir Eliab Harvey, William Harvey, and John Morris on the one part, and Abraham Wessell on the other part, for a messuage in the parish of St Clements Lane, Eastcheap, London.

. (English) Dated October 2, 1690, between John and Rachell Spooner of Abinger, Surrey, on the one part, and Humphrey Bennett of Nuthurst, Sussex, yeoman, of the other part.

. (Latin) Dated 1712, vellum document of Baron Kynnersley with stamps.

. (English) Dated 4 August, 1753. Between William Harvey of Chigwell in the County of Essex Esquire of the one part and Thomas Spring of Tower Hill London Coal Merchant of the other part, re: a “messuage or tenement situate standing and being near Tower Bank alias Tower Dock in the parish of Allhalowes Barkin[g].” Contains a detailed schedule of work to be done on the premisses.

. (English) Dated 8 November, 1764. A receipt of money (ffive shillings) received re: a messuage “being in a certain Street called the Swine Market in Northwich aforesaid in the said County of Chester and now or late in the holding or occupation of John Archer as Tenant thereof.” Between John Barrow of the Office of Pleas Inn London gentleman of the one part and John Barrow of Northwich in the county palatine of Chester esquire of the other part.

. (English) Dated May, 1768. An exemplification. “Staffordshire Edward Dickenson gentleman in his proper person demandeth against Michael Barbor gentleman One Messuage One Garden Fifty Acres of Land Fifteen Acres of Meadow Fifty Acres of Pasture Ten Acres of Furze and heath and Common of Pasture for all manner of Cattle with the Appurtenances in Sarely otherwise Severly and Fulford and in the Parish of Stone as his Right and Inheritance,” etc.

. (English) Dated 25 May, 1770. “Between James Penkstone of Northwich in the County of Chester Baker of the one part and Joseph Plumley of Barnton in the said County of Chester yeoman of the other part,” re: “All that now erected Messuage or Tenement Burgage or Dwelling House with the Appurtenances situate standing and being in a certain Street called Swine Market in Northwich aforesaid,” etc.

. (English) Dated 27 October, 1791. “Manor of Dawlish to wit } At a Court Leet and Court Baron … before George Short gentleman steward to John Inglett Fortescue esquire Lord of the Manor aforesaid It is thus inrolled. At this Court came Alice Bowbeer of Dawlish aforesaid widow aged about seventy eight years and surrendered into the hands of the Lord of the said Manor All her Copy Hold Estate and Interest being for the Term of her widowhood of and in All that Dwellinghouse and Smith’s Shop heretofore built,” etc.

. (English) Dated 14 June, 1802. Between Thomas Cook of Bridport in Dorset, miller, and Henry Gifford of the same place, sailclothmaker, etc.

. (English) Dated 1811-2. “Articles of Agreement made and confirmed by a Friendly Society at Great Bentley At a General Meeting held and to be continued at the House of Thomas C. Thompson at the sign of the Red Lion in Bentley in the County of Essex on Monday the 2nd Day of July 1811.” 27 articles, with signatures.

. (English) Dated 5 July, 1815. Surrender from Richard Rose and wife to the use of John Farnell, the Manor of West Drayton. “The special Court Baron of Easter de Burgh widow Lady of the said manor holden in and for the said manor on Wednesday the fifth day of July [1815] Before James Hugh Murphy gentleman deputy steward of Henry Burgh gentleman steward there.”

. (English) Dated 1 November, 1819. Admission of Mr John Farnell on the surrender of John Porter Bailey, the Manor of West Drayton. “The General Court Baron of Easter de Burgh widow Lady of the said manor holden in and for the said manor on Monday the first day of November [1819] Before Henry Burgh esquire steward there.”

. (English) Dated 12 October, 1868. Charles Crawford of Dorset yeoman and Job Crabb to Mr James Travers, a Conveyance in fee of a messuage or dwellinghouse and presmises situate at Malravers in the Parish of Loders, Dorset.

. (English) Dated 22 September, 1877. Between George Morey, yeoman and Richard Stone mayor of Bridport, etc. Transfer of mortgage of four cottages in North Allington, Dorset.

. (English) Dated 23 March, 1882. A lease between Richard Wiltshire and Charles Henry Wing of Middlesex, for No 62 Wellington Road and stables etc, for 21 years, expiring 1903.

On Paper

17th century fragment
. (English) A fragment measuring 3 x 3 inches. “the premisses by these . . . for and dureinge the said . . . In manner and forme afo . . .” etc. Naming one Thomas Walker.

[PARLIAMENT SALE of Charles I’s Goods]
1651 At the Committee for the Sale of the Late King's Goods (1) 1651 At the Committee for the Sale of the Late King's Goods (2)
. (English) Dated 10th October, 1651. At the Committee of Trustees For Sale of the Late King’s Goods. # 1108. The Trustees of the sale authorize that John Hunt and Humphrey Jones, Esquiers, Treasurers appointed for the sale of the late King’s, Queen’s, and Princes’ goods, make payment unto Daniell Lewin the sum of £18, allowed in the Second List of creditors to be discounted from £32. “[printed]. To the Treasurers for sale of the goods of the late King, Queene, and Prince. [written] advance – 1. 16.” Signed & sealed (seals missing) by the Trustees of the sale of Charles I’s goods, as they were named July 4th, 1649 in the House of Commons: John Humphreys (Humfreys), George Wither (poet), Ralph Grafton, Henry Creech, John Foche (Foach).

1654 Inventorie of all the Goods and Chattells of George Lethbridge (1)
. (English) An Inventorie of all the Goods and Chattells of George Lethbridge (deceased) of Devonshire, had and taken in the first day of January, 1654.

1662 Cornwall Landlord Rent Notes (1) 1662 Cornwall Landlord Rent Notes (2)
. (English) Dated 28th April, 1662. A landlord’s sheet of instructions for his agent to receive rents or find out why payment has not been made.

. (English) Dated 25 December, 1665, two pages. “Articles of Covenants Condic[i]ons and Agreements Indented had made concluded and fully agreed upon . . Betweene Henry Heathman of Crediton in the County of Devon Worstedcomber of the one parte and Richard Dally the younger of Stocklypomeroy Husbandman of the other parte.” Seal appended.

. (English) Dated 30 April, 1688. “The Manor of Henloe Grey. 30th – die Aprilis ~ ~ Anno Dm. 1688. Memorandum that the day & yeare above written John Haggis of Henlow in the County of Bedford gent. one of the Customary Tennants of the s[ai]d Mannor for and in Consideration of the full summe, summe of – Thirtie pounds of Currant English money to have in hand paid by William Cranfeild of Shefford in the County of Bedford, Cooper.”

. (English) Dated 3 October, 1688. “I James Pollexfen of Ugborrough in the County of Devon Gent[leman] do hereby acknowledge That on the day of the date hereof I have had and received of John Woolcombe of Pitton within the Parish of Yealmpton in the said County of Devon Gent[leman] the full su[m]me of ffourscore pounds of lawfull money of England.” Wafer seal present.

. (Latin & English) Dated septimo die decembris, 1698. William Prettejohn obligation, intro in Latin, body in English. “The Condic[i]on of this Obligac[i]on is such that if the above bounden William Prettejohn his Executo[rs] and Administrato[rs] doe well and truely Observe performe fulfill accomplish and keep all and singuler the Covenantes grantes Articles clawses provisoes and agreementes whatsoever,” etc. Wafer seal present.

. (Latin & English) Dated in Junii 1720. Richard Greenway bond, intro in Latin, body in English. “Whereas the abovenamed Richard Greenway hath lately purchased to him and his heirs of and from the abovebounden John Hedgwin several peices and parcells of arrable Land and pasture ground lying and being in the severall p[ar]ishes of Ross and Walford in the County of Hereford of and out of which Lands and premisses Margery now the Wife of the said John Hedgwin may have or challenge to have her Dower or Title of Dower if she shall survive the said John Hedgwin.” etc.

. (English) Dated c.1730s, two sides in different handwriting, one appears to be Rev. Richard Greenway’s (possibly) sermon notes; on the other side is “An Account of the Disbursement made by Richard Greenway (?) of the Effects of John Hedgwyn dec[eas]ed.”

. (English) Dated 29 December, 1747. The last will and testament of Samuel Windeat of Bridgetown within the Parish of Berry Pomeroy in the County of Devon, clothier.

. (English) Dated 1750. “Observations from the Court Rolls of the Courts”, inquiring “whether or no the Widow’s take their Free Bench by an Admission Grant or Copy from the Lord Or if there be any such entries on the Rolls.”

. (English) Dated 27 August, 1763. “Know all men by these presents that I Richard Heather of Midhurst in the county of Sussex gentleman steward of the manor of Iping in the same county [name] James Winter of New Alresford … to take a surrender or a release from John Waight of Bishops Sutton in the county of Southampton gentleman and Mary his wife … of all her right title interest property claime and demand whatsoever both in law and equity of into or out of one tenement one orchard and certain lands called Borrow lands with the appurtenances in Iping,” etc. Fine with intaglio wafer seal.

. (English) Dated 4 February, 1766. “Know all Men by these Presents, that I James Hunt of Walsham in the Willow in the County of Suffolk Glover am held and firmly bound to Mary Ellener of Stradbrook in the said County Widow in the Sum of Two hundred Pounds of good and lawful Money of Great Britain, to be paid to the said Mary Ellener her Attorney, Executors, Administrators, or Assigns.” etc. With wafer seal.

. (English) Dated 1770. An obligation in consideration of the sum of 400 pounds, between John Woollcombe of Ashbury in the county of Devon esq. and John Terry of Crediton in the county aforesaid gentleman. With stamp.

. (English) Dated 1794. “General Account of Disbursements from the Quarter Master General’s Department on the Isle of Wight made by Captain Wilson Assistant Quarter Master General to the Army under the Command of the Earl of Moira including the necessary Contingencies &c. &c. from 25 Feby. to 24 April 1794 Inclusive.”

. (English) Dated 4 December, 1797. “An Account of the number of persons who pay Assessed Taxes; distinguishing the same into Classes according to the amount, from 6/ to £400 & upwards annually.”

1827 Crosswritten document (2)
. (English) Dated 1827. A cross-written document on paper. With seal.

. (English) Dated 1830s. Accounts document on paper.

. (English) Dated 15 January, 1831. Slapton pasture and arable lands. “To be let with immediate possession until the 25th day of March next All these several Pasture Fields or Closes called the Great Wetcombe & the Hill, the Barns Quillett, & the Oarchard called Addlehale situate in or near the village of Slapton aforesaid,” etc.

. (English) Dated 17 April, 1832. Letter signed by Sir Francis Freeling, Secretary to the Post Office, addressed to W.C. Haley esq., Kingsbridge, Devon. “Sir, I have caused enquiry to be made into your complaint of the 7th instant,” informing his correspondent that he has written to the postmaster at Kingsbridge. Mentioned are the mail coach, as well as the irregular town clocks which are “very frequently 20 minutes slower than the correct time.”

. (English) Dated 3 March, 1832. Slapton Potatoe Grounds. “To be let with immediate possession (in such lots, for such Persons, and in such Conditions as will be produced at the time of the Survey) All those Estates of land called the Cross Park, Bottom Park, and the Higher and Lower Quilletts situate in or near the village of Slapton,” etc.

Sumner letter (1)
. (Letter) Dated from St. James Square, London, 30th April (no year, c1840?). John Bird Sumner, Bishop of Chester and later Archbishop of Canterbury, writing “Dear Sir, I presume that your College Testimonial will be dated up to the present term, which will supersede the necessity of separate Testimonials. The Professors’ private testimonial I shall greatly value,” etc.

1844 Coach Share Bill (1)
. (English) Dated 1844. A coach share bill, accounts on paper.

Richard Chenevix Trench, Dean of Westminster, MS letter to Miss Waterfield, March 19, 1862 (6)  Richard Chenevix Trench, Dean of Westminster, MS letter to Miss Waterfield, March 19, 1862 (2)
Richard Chenevix Trench, Dean of Westminster, MS letter to Miss Waterfield, March 19, 1862 (3) Richard Chenevix Trench, Dean of Westminster, MS letter to Miss Waterfield, March 19, 1862 (4) Richard Chenevix Trench, Dean of Westminster, MS letter to Miss Waterfield, March 19, 1862 (5)
. (English) Dated March 19, 1862. Richard Chenevix Trench, dean of Westminster Abbey, writing to a Miss Waterfield re: hospital matters. On black border paper with envelop.

Richard Chenevix Trench signature, Archbishop of Dublin to the Dean of St Pauls, London
. (English) Dated c1864-1884. Richard Chenevix Trench cut signature, “R C Dublin” as Archbishop of Dublin, addressed to “The v[er]y Rev the Dean of S. Pauls.”

. (English) Dated 1884. Manor of Dinnington schedule of leaseholds.